Erdogan’s Turkey: The State as Serial Killer

Protesting the Ankara Massacre

Protesting the Ankara Massacre

In response to the Ankara massacre of October 10, 2015, Emril Yildiz published this analysis. In describing the Turkish regime as a “serial killer,” Yildiz points out that the regime appears to be “subcontracting” its state terrorism, in conjunction with turning the Turkish economy into a “subcontractor” system of intense exploitation (or “taseron capitalism”).

The Ankara Massacre and the State as a Serial Killer in Erdogan’s Turkey

Shortly after the news of the Ankara massacre started circulating on social media, a video surfaced, showing the very moment of the first explosion, foregrounded by a group of young peace rally participants on a line of halay. The protesters were singing and dancing to prominent ozan Ruhi Su’s “Ellerinde Pankartlar,” composed to commemorate the bloody May 1 Labor Day celebrations in Taksim Square in 1977—when at least 42 people were massacred and more than 120 people were injured.

When the first bomb goes off in the video, the halay group is about to utter those famous lines “this Meydan is a bloody meydan.” The bombs don’t allow that elegy to continue. The police who come after them don’t allow that elegy to continue. The press releases after them don’t allow that elegy to continue. As Selahattin Demirtaş, the co-president of the HDP (People’s Democratic Party) maintains, the Ankara Massacre perpetuators, by commission and omission, will be brought to justice, and Erdoğan’s state will be declared a criminal serial killer, as it already conducts itself domestically as well as regionally…

It is precisely the ordinary people of Turkey who are hurting, and they demand justice in the face of lawless mafia executions of Kurds, Alevis, leftists, and any other self-identified dissident factions that stand together in opposition to an increasingly callous and criminal authoritarian regime. And against all odds they want peace. If these people are calling for peace despite everything that has transpired, this call deserves a reply of solidarity and critical coverage, particularly in English-language media. And the Turkish state needs to be exposed for what it is in light of six massacres of massive proportions over the course of their “rule”: a criminal serial killer. Since the June 7, 2015 Elections, the total death toll in Turkey: 694 people.

First and foremost, with this piece I want to report on the Ankara Massacre in Turkey as immediately as possible. My second aim here is an analytical one—taking seriously Selahattin Demirtaş’ apt description, I approach the state in [President] Erdoğan’s Turkey as a serial killer, which most aptly captures another subcontracted part of the Turkish state.

The Soma Group "Spine Tower" in Ankara

The Soma Group “Spine Tower” in Ankara

I have previously explored the corporate-state and its outsourcing and subcontracting capitalism in Turkey in the context of the Soma Massacre. In light of Suruç and now Ankara, here I want to insist that the corporate-state under Erdoğan relies on not only taseron [subcontractor] capitalism, but also taseron governance and sovereignty—as it subcontracts the very practice of violence itself to third-party groups within its own territory and by logistically supporting them outside it, be they nationalist-fascists or Islamist fascists.

Committing such massacres on such a massive scale and creating the conditions of direct targeting of its ordinary citizens, while using their basic rights of assembly to call for peace (!), cannot be a method of rule for Erdoğan’s Turkey anymore. This taseron state must cease its rogue practices and the deregulation of not only labor safety in the economy, but also public security for all of its citizenry. It is the twin fabrication and violent enforcement of precarity within the realm of the economy and marginality within that of politics that fuel Erdoğan’s state of atrocities. This is why the deployment of “fascist” as a qualifier of this state in its current conjuncture is not an exaggeration.

As I write this piece in the immediate aftermath of the Ankara Massacre, more than 500 civilians remain wounded, some in critical condition. The numbers of casualties have risen from 86 when the news first broke out on Saturday to 128 on Sunday during the drafting of this piece. They had gathered, on the initiative of a number of workers’ syndicates (KESK and DISK), trade unions, and labor organizations, calling for the immediate resumption of peace talks between the armed wing of the Kurdish Liberation movement and the Turkish state.

They had gathered for “Labor, Peace and Democracy,” as called for by the title of the gathering. They were calling for an immediate end to the systematic state violence that put entire villages and towns under military curfew in Turkey’s Kurdistan for the past two months. The explosions came just hours before the news spread that the PKK-KCK was finalizing a plan of inaction (“eylemsizlik” in Turkish), which effectively amounted to a ceasefire.

Yet another day punctuated by yet another massacre in Turkey. 10 October 2015: synchronized twin bombs, smuggled into a peace rally by suicide bombers, next to the central train station in its capital, claimed more than 128 lives. They were 128 lives of the most courageous and selfless of workers, labor organizers and university students, HDP representatives and supporters, who wanted to stand in solidarity and call for peace and political engagement in the face of the rhetorical and visceral war-mongering that has in recent months taken Turkey’s Kurdistan and the rest of the country hostage.

Ankara massacre commemoration

Ankara massacre commemoration

Despite the lethal environment of lynching and pogroms that have once again become everyday acts for Turkey’s Kurdish citizens, they were there to call for peace, not more violence. As much, let me reiterate what has already become one of the slogans of protest in the immediate aftermath of the Ankara massacre: “We know the murderers. We will resist against fascist attacks and massacres!”

Witnesses have reported that police forces, absent at the time of the explosion, arrived immediately after the explosions. They got there before the ambulances. Instead of helping the victims, however, the police chose to attack those helping the wounded, using tear gas and pressurized water, and refusing to create a corridor for health workers to enter the scene of the massacre and help those who needed medical attention the most. That is the primary reason why the numbers of the deceased are expected to rise in the coming hours and days.

Just to be clear, there is a critical mass in Turkey that makes these connections themselves. The way that the testimony of a survivor of the Ankara massacre has been circulating and taken up by others might be a case in point. Ayhan Benli, the survivor, writes on his social media account, “today we survived [the massacre] only ten meters from the explosion. I don’t know whether to be thankful for my survival or be mourning for those who died. But I do know one thing. The way the police shot gas canisters at us while I was pressing against a wound to stop the bleeding of a wounded person lying beside me, and the way the police hit the woman comrade next to me with his baton… Those I know I will not forget. You too, don’t forget.” As the slogan had surfaced in the immediate aftermath of the Roboski massacre, those enraged by the Ankara Massacre, calling for holding those responsible accountable, responded by saying, “If we forget, let our hearts dry up.”

As if to add insult to injury, the Davutoğlu administration released a thirty-minute press statement after the attacks—which was devoted to threats leveled against the HDP leadership and its base. No condemnation of ISIS-affiliated cells was part of the statement. Instead, Prime Minister Davutoğlu made it public that the government had issued a court order to ban the production, dissemination, and circulation of any news about, reporting on, or analysis of the Ankara massacre in Turkish visual, print, and social media while it remained under criminal investigation.

It is against the backdrop of this state-sanctioned and aggressively pursued media blackout on the Ankara massacre that this piece is written. It is simply an ifsha piece, one that calls out the real criminals: the profoundly incompetent Davutoğlu administration under the sultanic control of President Erdoğan. The Turkish state and its criminal acts have to be accounted for immediately. And the responsible parties have to be held accountable.

During his visit to the KESK headquarters to offer his condolences to those who have lost their loved ones, comrades, friends, and family members, HDP Co-President Selahattin Demirtaş declared that there will be a concerted effort to proceed with a collective funeral and burials for those who have been martyred in Ankara as soon as possible. This declaration came after his description of the massacre in the Turkish daily Cumhuriyet.

If one constitutive element of Erdoğan’s state is the speculative, subcontracted and deregulated modality of managing the “economy,” the other is intensification of violence directed at Kurds and other oppositional forces inside and outside its borders, while domestically the political security itself is deregulated, rendering some political gatherings as open targets for fascist attacks like the one in Ankara. Demirtaş’ historic speech, accessible with English subtitles here, testifies to the fact that Erdoğan is not very far from Assad himself by allowing extremists to kill peace rally participants in their very own city, in front of the central train station:

“We will not allow you to become time and time again murderers of our people. Everyday we die. We are dying: we are the soldiers. We are the police. Both Kurds and Turks are us. It’s the sons and daughters of the poor folk who are dying. You are not dying. We watch every day where your sons and daughters are and what they are up to, we are dying. You and yours are not dying. Hence it is you and not us who need to be held accountable. The state is under your control, and you govern this country. You are responsible for every death. And you will account for this. Our struggle won’t cease until we bring you to justice, under an independent judiciary. We will not allow you to commit massacres in this country so freely.”

Selahattin Demirtaş

Selahattin Demirtaş

Despite the historical connections with longer trajectories of state violence directed against the others of the Turkish state, Erdoğan’s “operational” mistakes in Roboski, “work accidents” in Soma, are now more shamelessly unapologetic and defiantly dehumanizing. And the state under his rule not only rents mines like in Soma, but also the Syria-Turkey and Iraq-Turkey borders as in Reyhanli and Roboski and town squares like in Suruç and Ankara to acts of violence as well as to capital accumulation. It is labor and public safety both that are being under-regulated and opened up for further negotiation.

These political de-regulations of security and protection are the reason behind the deaths of our 128 people in Ankara, adding to an already horrifying number of deaths Turkey has had to endure under the Erdoğan administration. From Roboski to Soma, Gezi to Reyhanli, and now from Suruç to Ankara, the Erdoğan administration’s list of atrocities re-described as passive calamities that befall the nation keeps growing and it doesn’t seem to stop at Ankara for good. As Demirtaş maintained above, no form of taseron state practices should be allowed to continue. State responsibility for corporate and criminal commission and omission cannot remain shielded from view anymore. The serial killer cannot kill with such ease anymore because again, only we are dying…

Emrah Yildiz

Original article: http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/22899/the-ankara-m…-kill

Funeral for Turkish anarcho-syndicalist Ali Kitapci

Funeral for Turkish anarcho-syndicalist Ali Kitapci

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Bakunin: For Reasons of State

Michael Bakunin

Michael Bakunin

As part of the 200 hundredth anniversary of the birth of the revolutionary anarchist, Michael (Mikhail) Bakunin (1814-1876), I have been posting some of his writings. In Volume One of Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, I included several selections by Bakunin on libertarian socialism, anarcho-syndicalism, science and authority, revolutionary action, the Paris Commune, integral education and the nature of the state. One of the passages was taken from Bakunin’s critique of Rousseau’s social contract theory of the state. I am reproducing a portion of it here in response to the various wars that continue to grip this planet, and as an antidote to the propaganda celebrating the 100 hundredth anniversary of the commencement of the First World War.

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For Reasons of State

The existence of one sovereign, exclusionary State necessarily supposes the existence and, if need be, provokes the formation of other such States, since it is quite natural that individuals who find themselves outside it and are threatened by it in their existence and in their liberty, should, in their turn, associate themselves against it. We thus have humanity divided into an indefinite number of foreign states, all hostile and threatened by each other. There is no common right, no social contract of any kind between them; otherwise they would cease to be independent states and become the federated members of one great state. But unless this great state were to embrace all of humanity, it would be confronted with other great states, each federated within, each maintaining the same posture of inevitable hostility.

War would still remain the supreme law, an unavoidable condition of human survival.

Every state, federated or not, would therefore seek to become the most powerful. It must devour lest it be devoured, conquer lest it be conquered, enslave lest it be enslaved, since two powers, similar and yet alien to each other, could not coexist without mutual destruction.

The State, therefore, is the most flagrant, the most cynical, and the most complete negation of humanity. It shatters the universal solidarity of all men on the earth, and brings some of them into association only for the purpose of destroying, conquering, and enslaving all the rest. It protects its own citizens only; it recognizes human rights, humanity, civilization within its own confines alone. Since it recognizes no rights outside itself, it logically arrogates to itself the right to exercise the most ferocious inhumanity toward all foreign populations, which it can plunder, exterminate, or enslave at will. If it does show itself generous and humane toward them, it is never through a sense of duty, for it has no duties except to itself in the first place, and then to those of its members who have freely formed it, who freely continue to constitute it or even, as always happens in the long run, those who have become its subjects. As there is no international law in existence, and as it could never exist in a meaningful and realistic way without undermining to its foundations the very principle of the absolute sovereignty of the State, the State can have no duties toward foreign populations. Hence, if it treats a conquered people in a humane fashion, if it plunders or exterminates it halfway only, if it does not reduce it to the lowest degree of slavery, this may be a political act inspired by prudence, or even by pure magnanimity, but it is never done from a sense of duty, for the State has an absolute right to dispose of a conquered people at will.

This flagrant negation of humanity which constitutes the very essence of the State is, from the standpoint of the State, its supreme duty and its greatest virtue. It bears the name patriotism, and it constitutes the entire transcendent morality of the State. We call it transcendent morality because it usually goes beyond the level of human morality and justice, either of the community or of the private individual, and by that same token often finds itself in contradiction with these. Thus, to offend, to oppress, to despoil, to plunder, to assassinate or enslave one’s fellowman is ordinarily regarded as a crime. In public life, on the other hand, from the standpoint of patriotism, when these things are done for the greater glory of the State, for the preservation or the extension of its power, it is all transformed into duty and virtue. And this virtue, this duty, are obligatory for each patriotic citizen; everyone is supposed to exercise them not against foreigners only but against one’s own fellow citizens, members or subjects of the State like himself, whenever the welfare of the State demands it.

This explains why, since the birth of the State, the world of politics has always been and continues to be the stage for unlimited rascality and brigandage, brigandage and rascality which, by the way, are held in high esteem, since they are sanctified by patriotism, by the transcendent morality and the supreme interest of the State. This explains why the entire history of ancient and modern states is merely a series of revolting crimes; why kings and ministers, past and present, of all times and all countries – statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors – if judged from the standpoint of simple morality and human justice, have a hundred, a thousand times over earned their sentence to hard labor or to the gallows. There is no horror, no cruelty, sacrilege, or perjury, no imposture, no infamous transaction, no cynical robbery, no bold plunder or shabby betrayal that has not been or is not daily being perpetrated by the representatives of the states, under no other pretext than those elastic words, so convenient and yet so terrible: “for reasons of state.”

Michael Bakunin, 1868

smash the state

Bakunin: What is the State (1871)

Michael Bakunin

Michael Bakunin

In March 1871, just after the proclamation of the Paris Commune, Michael Bakunin prepared a summary of his revolutionary principles, setting forth his critique of authority, his social conception of freedom, and his critique of the State. I included similar material from Bakunin in Volume One of Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, but the following passage on the State succinctly sets forth Bakunin’s position.

What is the State?

What is the State? It is the historic organization of authority and tutelage, divine and human, extended to the masses of people in the name of some religion, or in the name of the alleged exceptional and privileged ability of one or sundry property-owning classes, to the detriment of the great mass of workers whose forced labour is cruelly exploited by those classes.

Conquest, which became the foundation of property right and of the right of inheritance, is also the basis of every State. The legitimized exploitation of the labour of the masses for the benefit of a certain number of property-owners (most of whom are fictitious, there being only a very small number of those who exist in reality) consecrated by the Church in the name of a fictitious Divinity which has always been made to side with the strongest and cleverest—that is what is called right. The development of prosperity, comfort, luxury, and the subtle and distorted intellect of the privileged classes—a development necessarily rooted in the misery and ignorance of the vast majority of the population—is called civilization; and the organization guaranteeing the existence of this complex of historic iniquities is called the State.

So the workers must wish for the destruction of the State…

The State, necessarily reposing upon the exploitation and enslavement of the masses, and as such oppressing and trampling upon all the liberties of the people, and upon any form of justice, is bound to be brutal, conquering, predatory, and rapacious in its foreign relations. The State—any State, whether monarchy or republic—is the negation of humanity. It is the negation of humanity because, while setting as its highest or absolute aim the patriotism of its citizens, and placing, in accordance with its principles, above all other interests in the world the interests of its own self-preservation, of its own might within its own borders and its outward expansion, the State negates all particular interests and the human rights of its subjects as well as the rights of foreigners. And thereby the State violates international solidarity among peoples and individuals, placing them outside of justice, and outside of humanity…

The State is the younger brother of the Church. It can find no other reason for its existence apart from the theological or metaphysical idea. Being by its nature contrary to human justice, it has to seek its rationale in the theological or metaphysical fiction of divine justice. The ancient world lacked entirely the concept of nation or society, that is, the latter was completely enslaved and absorbed by the State, and every State deduced its origin and its special right of existence and domination from some god or system of gods deemed to be the exclusive patron of that State. In the ancient world man as an individual was unknown; the very idea of humanity was lacking. There were only citizens. That is why in that civilization slavery was a natural phenomenon and the necessary basis for the fruits of citizenship.

When Christianity destroyed polytheism and proclaimed the only God, the States had to revert to the saints from the Christian paradise; and every Catholic State had one or several patron saints, its defenders and intercessors before the Lord God, who on that occasion may well have found himself in an embarrassing position. Besides, every State still finds it necessary to declare that the Lord God patronizes it in some special manner.

Metaphysics and the science of law, based ideally upon metaphysics but in reality upon the class interests of the propertied classes, also sought to discover a rational basis for the fact of the existence of the State. They reverted to the fiction of the general and tacit agreement or contract, or to the fiction of objective justice and the general good of the people allegedly represented by the State.

According to the Jacobin democrats, the State has the task of making possible the triumph of the general and collective interests of all citizens over the egoistic interests of separate individuals, communes and regions. The State is universal justice and collective reason triumphing over the egoism and stupidity of individuals. It is the declaration of the worthlessness and the unreasonableness of every individual in the name of the wisdom and the virtue of all. It is the negation of fact, or, which is the same thing, infinite limitation of all particular liberties, individual and collective, in the name of freedom for all—the collective and general freedom which in reality is only a depressing abstraction, deduced from the negation or the limitation of the rights of separate individuals and based upon the factual slavery of everyone.

In view of the fact that every abstraction can exist only inasmuch as it is backed up by the positive interests of a real being, the abstraction, the State, in reality represents the positive interests of the ruling and property owning, exploiting, and so-called intelligent classes, and also the systematic immolation for their benefit of the interests and freedom of the enslaved masses.

Michael Bakunin, March 25-30, 1871

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